A.- Publicaciones en Revistas Indexadas en WoS, Scopus, Scielo
1.- Boza, Sofía. 2018. “Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures in the context of the CPTPP Agreement”. Bio-based and Applied Economics. Vol. 7(1): 87-98. Scopus.
- Abstract: The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Part nership (CPTPP) is a notorious example of the proliferation of so-called mega trade agreements. The countries constituting its signatory parties include five hundred million inhabitants and almost fifteen percent of the global Gross Domestic Product. The objective of this paper is to analyze the role of sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) provisions within the CPTPP regarding international food trade. Three sections are presented: (i) food production, imports and exports among CPTPP countries, (ii) the content of the SPS CPTPP chapter regarding the text of the WTO-SPS Agreement and (iii) concluding remarks. It stands out among the results that there are significant differences in agricultural production capabilities between CPTPP parties, which should be addressed in order to achieve the desired integration.
2.- Boza, Sofía*, Cortés M., Muñoz, T., Rico, M. & Muñoz, J. 2018. “Development programs for female farmers: identifying clusters for the case of Chile's "Education and training program for rural women". Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias – UN Cuyo. Vol. 50(1): 141-155. WoS.
- Abstract: This article aims to contribute to the evaluation of development policies for female farmers based on their beneficiaries’ attitudes. For this, it was conducted a survey in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, Chile, to a representative sample of participants in the “Education and Training Program for Rural Women” of the Chilean National Institute for Agricultural Development. The questionnaire applied was divided into the following sections: i) personal characteristics of the farmers and their family unit; ii) technical, productive and commercial features; iii) farm and household income; and iv) vision of themselves and program-related attitudes. The data collected was processed by descriptive and multivariate techniques such as principal components and cluster analysis. The results show a positive assessment of the program on an aggregate level, although there are significant dissimilarities within the sample, allowing three clusters to be identified: “reticent participants” (42.3%), “associative participants” (20.5%) and “empowered participants” (37.2%). The farmers on those clusters present differences not only in their attitudes towards the program but also in their education level, income, farm profitability and balance between productive and domestic roles. We conclude that individual characteristics and circumstances impact beneficiaries’ perception of the programs, which should be considered in their design and implementation.
3.- Gamboa, Ricardo*, Sergio Toro. 2018. "The electoral connection in presidential systems: non-legislative actions inside the Chilean Congress". The Journal of Legislative Studies 24 (3), 249-271. WoS.
- Abstract: The purpose of this article is to explore how the features of districts affect representation activities in the Chilean Congress. Based on an analysis of interventions by deputies in the so-called Incidents Hour (Hora de Incidentes), we argue that district conditions affect the kind of appeals that deputies make. Specifically, we test two main hypotheses: a) that the degree of rurality of districts predicts greater use of policy intervention at the local level (local credit claiming), and b) that distance from the centre is an incentive for deputies to taking a position on local issues (local position taking). This article contributes to an understanding of how institutional spaces in the Congress serve not only as instruments for legislation but also, and with equal relevance, for representing constituents at the district level.
4.- García, Camila; Dorotea López y Felipe Muñoz. 2018. "Trade in services and development: policy perception in Chile". TEC Empresarial 12 (2), 33-44. SciELO.
- Abstract: Trade in services and its positive relation with countries’ development has been pointed out by different Chilean governments to improve services exports in order to reach diversification in its basket and add value to exports. Since the first decade of the 2000, the State has implemented a series of programs and strategies directed to achieve this objective. However, the matrix remains anchored in natural resources, particularly copper. Although trade in services has increased, it has not done so as expected. For this work several experts from the public, private and academic sector, civil society and NGOs were interviewed to collect their perception on policies that promoted services exports, implemented in the period 1990-2014. For a better understanding of the results, three overlapping levels are distinguished in a logical hierarchy from greater to lesser extent: Level I: Considerations on economic doctrines and corporate cultures. Level II: Considerations on the specificity of service industry and economic considerations. Level III: Considerations on specific policies and instruments. Some conclusions and recommendations are presented at the end.
5.- Aranda, Gilberto. 2018. "Nociones de seguridad y control en el Plan Frontera Norte: Una expresión de Teichopolítica", Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad 13 (1), 67-92. SciELO.
- Abstract: La teichopolítica es una expresión actual de la globalización segmentada, la cual no solo plantea la erección de muros. En el caso de Chile, se manifestó dicha política en los años 70 por medio del minado de zonas fronterizas como mecanismos preventivos a una invasión extranjera y hoy, a través del Plan Frontera Norte. Mediante este mecanismo securitario el Estado garantiza la continuidad de los flujos comerciales consonantes con la política económica de apertura de mercado, aunque bajo una mayor supervisión que a la vez permita controlar el flujo de personas y, con especial atención, contener el tráfico ilegal de mercancías y narcóticos. El Estado también expresa consecuencias culturales hacia la otredad que deben ser tenidas en cuenta. Este artículo tiene por objetivo revisar la implementación de dicho plan como expresión de teichopolítica; para ello se hace una revisión de conceptos y términos desde una perspectiva constructivista. Asimismo, indaga en algunos aspectos del contenido de política pública que involucra. Se concluye que la evaluación del programa da cuenta más de la inversión concretada que del impacto que ha tenido en las estadísticas de decomisos de drogas y procedimientos policiales asociados al tráfico de drogas ilícitas. Lo anterior también se refleja en los informes y el análisis del Ministerio del Interior que solo consigna el nivel de inversión en equipamiento y dotación policial.
6.- Aranda, Gilberto. 2018. "Bolivia – Chile: integración con contenidos dispares". Revista CUHSO (en prensa). DOI 10.7770/cuhso-V28 N2- art1442. SciELO.
- Abstract: Este trabajo aborda las ideas y valores que subyacen a las políticas exteriores de Chile y Bolivia. Profundiza en los roles que le asignan a la integración y cooperación regionales, a partir de las preferencias y visiones de mundo que exponen los gobiernos de Evo Morales, Michel Bachelet y Sebastián Piñera entre 2006 y 2012. Para explorar estas tendencias, analizamos una serie de discursos presidenciales expuestos en distintas instancias internacionales y domésticas. Partimos de la premisa que señala que la participación de ambos países en distintos procesos de integración y concertación regionales, desde una práctica que involucra a varios países ubicados en el continente, deja en evidencia que no coinciden en sus énfasis, sobre todo en las materias referidas a los desafíos internacionales actuales en torno al comercio y cooperación internacionales, y en sus perspectivas del desarrollo en un contexto de crisis del modelo neoliberal. Concluimos que este fenómeno actual trae como consecuencia el surgimiento de un modelo de integración con contenidos dispares en el continente, es decir, en el que prevalecen roles distintos, de crucial importancia, respecto a sus posiciones y estrategias de inserción internacional, repercutiendo en las acciones y respuestas hacia el escenario internacional.
B.- Publicaciones en otras Revistas
1.- López, Dorotea y Felipe Muñoz. 2018. "Trade Policy and Women in the Pacific Alliance". Agenda Internacional, Año XXV, No. 36, 133-150. LATINDEX.
- Abstract: The relation between trade and gender is complex, and has not been deeply analysed in the case of Latin American countries. Mainstream economics argue that trade is gender-neutral, but the discussion should focus whether trade policy could be oriented to foster women’s economic inclusion. It is well known that, with the adequate policies, women’s economic empowerment could positively impact economic growth and reduce poverty, and therefore, trade policy may become an instrument to achieve this objective. The Pacific Alliance, a novel integration scheme, has considered women economic inclusion into their work and objec- tives. In this article, we aim to review trade policies implemented at regional and domestic level amongst the four Pacific Alliance member countries: Colombia, Chile, Mexico and Peru. For this, the article is divided as follows. The first section reviews the literature on trade policy and gender issues, specifically in women inclusion aspects. The second section presents those policies discussed and implemented at the Pacific Alliance. The third section individu- ally reviews member countries trade policies on women economic inclusion and empower- ment. Finally, we present some conclusions and policy recommendations.
D.- Capítulos de Libro
1.- López, Dorotea; Felipe Muñoz y Alejandra Corvalán. 2018. "Services Dimension in the Pacific Alliance". En: Sauvé, Pierre, Rodrigo Polanco y José Alvarez, (Eds) The Pacific Alliance in a World of Preferential Trade Agreements. Lessons in Comparative Regionalism. 137-154. Springer Verlag.
- Abstract: The Pacific Alliance was established to deepen the integration process among its members by speeding up measures for enabling the free circulation of goods and financial flows, the delivery of services and the movement of people across borders. Services have become one of the main work packages of the Alliance, as they are seen as an alternative means for member countries to achieve higher economic growth and development. High expectations characterize the level of ambition and commitments in trade in services. Therefore, this chapter will analyze the services dimension of the Pacific Alliance. A review of the commitments made by PA members in their services negotiations is made, noticing that the Alliance does not seems to represent a big step towards services openness.
2.- Gamboa, Ricardo y Andrés Dockendorff. 2018. "Chilean Electoral System: A moderate D’Hondt PR". En Farazmand A. (eds) Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer, Cham.
- Abstract: Between 1990 and 2013, there were more than 25 attempts in the Chilean legislature to put an end to the electoral system regulating the election of parliamentarians that had been established by Pinochet’s authoritarian regime. Known as the binomial system, it had been criticized on various grounds (Chasquetti 2017). On the one hand, its legitimacy was questioned: because it was established by Pinochet, it was considered to be an “authoritarian legacy” (Garretón 2006). On the other hand, critics argued that the distribution of electoral districts led to pronounced inequalities in the vote (malapportionment), that it generated a marked disproportionality in representation, that it excluded important groups from the assembly, and that it did not encourage interparty competition (Auth 2006). Public opinion polls showed that a large part of the population supported electoral reform (Segovia and Laroze 2009). Nevertheless, no reform attempt prospered. Following the 2013 elections, the political and parliamentary scenario changed significantly. This encouraged the government of Michelle Bachelet (2014–2018) to make a further attempt at reform of the electoral system. Thus, at the beginning of her administration, she presented a reform bill whose main objectives were to reduce the levels of malapportionment, promote greater interparty competition, increase the representativeness of the system by establishing greater opportunities for other groups to reach Congress (Gamboa and Morales 2016), and change “the current unequal gender representation in the National Congress” (Bachelet 2014). After a year of debate and negotiation, in 2015 a large enough parliamentary majority was finally assembled to replace the binomial system with a (so-called) moderate proportional system. The new rules were applied for the first time in the 2017 elections. This contribution describes and examines the main components of the new Chilean electoral system and analyzes the results of the first elections held under these new rules. The first section describes the main features of the electoral system for parliamentary elections in Chile and explains, with an illustrative example, how the seat distribution system works. The second section analyzes the effects of the electoral system using data from the 2017 election. We refer to the system’s results in terms of proportionality, fragmentation, and the effect of the quota law. We conclude with some final observations.
3.- Gamboa, Ricardo y Miguel A. López. 2018. "Chile: Women´s Suffrage and Political Participation:1935-2015". En Franceschet, Susan, Mona Krook y Netina Tan (eds), The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights. London: Palgrave McMillan, 85-99.
- Abstract: This chapter analyzes the “Chilean route” to women’s suffrage and how women in Chile came to form part of the electorate and the decision-making system in general. Like other countries discussed in this volume, Chile suf- frage was extended to women through two legislative decisions separated by fifteen years. In 1934, women received the right to vote in municipal elec- tions, yet had to wait until 1949 to be eligible to vote in national elections. In this chapter, we argue that this two-stage process was due mainly to the ruling elite’s interest in observing how women would vote at the municipal level, which was of minor political importance, and delaying their partici- pation in parliamentary and presidential elections at the national level until they felt confident that women’s suffrage would not bring about a significant change in the political landscape. Thus, only when women’s electoral behav- ior at the municipal level was stable—with a distribution of votes similar to the vote in parliamentary elections—were women conceded the right to vote in elections at all levels of government.
In the second part of the paper, we outline some of the consequences of women’s enfranchisement. We argue that the electoral inclusion of women occurred slowly, and even though women had always been a demographic majority, it was not until 1989 that they came to form a majority of the electorate. When it comes to women’s impact as voters, we demonstrate that, with some exceptions, Chile exemplifies a “traditional gender gap,” in the sense that a greater proportion of women than men support right-wing or Catholic parties. Finally, when we look at the distribution of candidates by gender in the last 25 years and women’s access to elected posts, we see that women’s inclusion remains far from complete. We conclude by noting that the recent change in Chile’s electoral law, which now includes a gender quota, may improve women’s political representation.
4.- Henríquez, María José. 2018. “Política exterior, desarrollismo y neoliberalismo: España como espacio de sustitución para Chile (1964-1989)”. En Beatriz Figallo (Ed.) Desarrollismo, Franquismo y Neohispanidad: Historias conectadas entre España, América Latina y Argentina. Buenos Aires: Editorial Teseo, 415- 443.
5.- Henríquez, María José. 2018. “El origen de las acciones multilaterales de Chile”. En Somavía, Juan y Pedro Oyarce (Eds), Chile actor del Sistema Multilateral. Una tradición nacional. Santiago de Chile, Academia Diplomática de Chile-Secretaria General Iberoamericana, 47-53.